How many european union countries are there

Greece visa. Hungary visa. Iceland visa. Italy Visa. Liechtenstein visa. Lithuania visa. Luxembourg visa. Netherlands visa. Portugal visa. Slovakia visa. Slovenia visa. Spain Visa. Switzerland visa. Although 26 countries are inside the Schengen Zone, including most nations in mainland Europe - not every European state is inside the area where border checks have been abolished.

Find out the list of non-Schengen countries. It means that for short stays, the visa process is relatively simple and uniform and that when you get a Schengen Visa to travel to any state, France, for example, you can automatically travel to others within the area, like Germany and Italy, on the same visa.

It also means that the process of obtaining a Schengen Visa is relatively standardized and you will need the same supporting documents - a passport, passport photographs, a travel itinerary and proof of accommodation, a letter of invitation if applicable , and proof of means of subsistence, to travel to any Schengen state. None of these policies will require you to pay an excess fee on medical costs. How to apply for a visa Schengen? The European Single Market was established by 12 countries in to ensure the so-called four freedoms: the movement of goods , services, people, and money.

The early focus of the EC was a common agricultural policy as well as the elimination of customs barriers. A directly elected European Parliament took office in In , the Single European Act solidified the principles of foreign policy cooperation and extended the powers of the community over the members.

The act also formalized the idea of a single European market. The treaty created the euro, which is intended to be the single currency for the EU. The euro debuted on January 1, Several newer members of the EU have not yet met the criteria for adopting the euro common currency. The EU continues to face a number of challenges. The EU and the European Central Bank have struggled with high sovereign debt and sluggish growth in Portugal, Ireland, Greece, and Spain since the global financial market collapse of Greece and Ireland received financial bailouts from the community in , which were accompanied by fiscal austerity.

Portugal followed in , along with a second Greek bailout in Multiple rounds of interest rate cuts and economic stimulus failed to resolve the problem. Northern countries such as Germany and the Netherlands increasingly resent the financial drain from the south. As the situation moved from crisis to stagnation , the U. The nation voted to leave the EU under what's now called Brexit. The U. Greenwich Mean Time, Jan. European Union. World Bank. Bank of England. Accessed March 29, Bank of Greece.

Bard College. Accessed March 28, Centre for European Reform. Council on Foreign Relations. European Commission. Monetary Policy. Your Privacy Rights. To change or withdraw your consent choices for Investopedia. At any time, you can update your settings through the "EU Privacy" link at the bottom of any page.

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I Accept Show Purposes. Your Money. Personal Finance. Your Practice. Popular Courses. Table of Contents Expand. Drafting Monetary Policies. Handling Country-Specific Issues. Lender of Last Resort. This is especially true with respect to large, culturally distinct countries, such as Turkey, or the poorer countries of "wider Europe" usually considered to include Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan that may harbor EU aspirations in the longer term.

Some observers suggest that should the EU ultimately enlarge to encompass an even wider array of countries, further integration in the economic and financial fields may be unlikely, and forging a common foreign policy could become more difficult.

Others contend that EU enlargement is already reaching its limits, both geographically and in terms of public enthusiasm for further expansion. EU member states work together to set policy and promote their collective interests through several common institutions. Decisionmaking processes and the role played by EU institutions vary depending on the subject under consideration.

For most economic and social issues, EU member states have largely pooled their national sovereignty and EU decisionmaking has a supranational quality. Decisions in some areas, such as foreign policy, require the unanimous approval of all 28 member states. The EU's institutions do not correspond exactly to the traditional branches of government or division of power in representative democracies; rather, they reflect the EU's dual supranational and intergovernmental character.

The European Council acts as a strategic guide and driving force for EU policy. It is composed of the heads of state or government of the EU's 28 member states, the European Council President currently Donald Tusk , and the President of the European Commission; the council meets several times a year in what are often termed EU summits. The European Council President organizes the council's work, seeks to ensure policy continuity, and facilitates consensus.

It implements and manages EU decisions and common policies, ensures the provisions of the EU's treaties are carried out properly, and has the sole right of legislative initiative in most policy areas. It is composed of 28 Commissioners, one from each country; each Commissioner holds a distinct portfolio e. It enacts legislation, usually based on proposals put forward by the European Commission and agreed to in most cases by the European Parliament. In a few sensitive areas, such as foreign policy, the Council of Ministers holds sole decisionmaking authority.

It consists of ministers from the 28 national governments; different ministers participate in council meetings depending on the subject e. The EP currently consists of members who are directly elected in the member states for five-year terms. Members of the European Parliament MEPs caucus according to political affiliation rather than nationality; there are currently eight such political groups in the EP spanning the political spectrum from the far left to the far right.

The next EP elections are due in May ; as these elections presumably will be held after the UK ceases to be a member of the EU, the number of seats contested is expected to decrease to A number of political and economic factors are contributing to the current uncertainty surrounding the future of the EU.

To varying degrees, they are also challenging the legitimacy and structure of the EU and its institutions. The global recession significantly affected EU economies, and the subsequent eurozone debt crisis sparked concerns about the fundamental structure and viability of the member eurozone, the EU's flagship integration project.

For almost a decade, many EU countries struggled with weak economic growth and persistently high unemployment. Some EU governments imposed unpopular austerity measures in an effort to rein in budget deficits and public debt.

To stem the eurozone crisis, European leaders and EU institutions responded with a variety of policy mechanisms. The eurozone crisis also put pressure on Europe's banking system, leading to the collapse of insolvent banks in several countries and an EU recapitalization plan for Spanish banks.

In , amid ongoing financial difficulties and disputes with its EU creditors, prospects grew that Greece might exit the eurozone dubbed "Grexit". Although Grexit was averted when the Greek government acceded to eurozone demands for more austerity and economic reforms in exchange for a new financial assistance package, the fraught negotiations generated significant acrimony within the EU.

While France and Italy emphasized the political importance of maintaining the integrity of the eurozone, Germany and others such as the Netherlands, Finland, Slovakia, and Slovenia stressed the need to adhere to eurozone fiscal rules. Tensions also persisted between Greece, its eurozone creditors, and the IMF over the terms of Greece's assistance program and the need for debt relief. Some suggest that given how close the EU came to Grexit, the crisis called into question the eurozone's irreversible nature.

Others contend that the eurozone has emerged stronger from its debt crisis and near-Grexit experience. Since , the EU has taken steps to bolster the eurozone's architecture and improve fiscal discipline among member states. Following the Greek crisis in , both France and Germany have sought to work together on some measures to strengthen the eurozone's economic governance, although reaching agreement between themselves and among all eurozone members remains challenging.

Since early , the EU's overall economic prospects have improved, with a sustained economic recovery taking hold across most of the EU. Although some concerns exist about an unfavorable external environment amid growing trade tensions including with the United States , the European Commission predicts EU growth will remain resilient. Some economic anxieties linger, however.

Several EU countries continue to struggle with sluggish growth and high unemployment especially among young people in countries such as Spain and Italy. Although Greece received a degree of debt relief in June its eurozone creditors agreed to extend loan maturities due in by 10 years to ease Greece's repayment burden and officially exited its financial assistance program in August , Greece's economy remains fragile.

Austerity measures are still in place, the country faces a long road to a full economic recovery, and questions persist about the strength of Greece's banking system. Increasingly, some experts voice renewed concerns about financial stability in Italy, the eurozone's third-largest economy. Following Italian elections in March , a new coalition government took office composed of two largely antiestablishment, populist parties that are critical of the EU and believe eurozone fiscal rules have constrained Italy's economic growth.

In September , the Italian government unveiled a new budget for that rejects austerity measures and foresees significantly higher public spending. The European Commission has demanded that the Italian government revise its budget plans, but Italy has so far declined to do so and is expected to face EU disciplinary action for breaching EU fiscal rules.

Italy ultimately could face financial sanctions. Some experts worry that this budget dispute could reignite investor concerns about Italy's debt sustainability and threaten the eurozone's integrity and stability again. Since the release of its budget, Italy's borrowing costs have risen and key credit rating agencies have downgraded Italy's debt rating. Over the last several years, many EU countries have seen a rise in support for populist, nationalist, antiestablishment political parties.

These parties are often termed "euroskeptic" because many have also been fueled by worries that too much national sovereignty has been relinquished to Brussels.

Although not a completely new phenomenon in the EU, the uptick in support for such parties largely began in response to Europe's economic difficulties, austerity measures, and the eurozone crisis.

For some voters, how Brussels handled the eurozone crisis renewed long-standing concerns about the EU's "democratic deficit"—a sense that ordinary citizens have little say in decisions taken in faraway Brussels. Fears about globalization and a loss of European identity also have been factors in the growth in support for such parties.

Populist and euroskeptic parties, however, are not monolithic. Most are on the far right of the political spectrum, but a few are on the left or far left. The degree of euroskepticism also varies widely among them, and they hold a range of views on the future of the EU. While some advocate for EU reforms and a looser EU in which member states would retain greater sovereignty, others call for an end to the eurozone or even to the EU itself.

A range of euroskeptic parties did well in the European Parliament elections see text box , and euroskeptic parties have made significant gains in national and local elections in some countries. For example, parties with varying degrees of euroskeptic views lead the government or are part of coalition governments in Italy, Poland, Hungary, Austria, and Finland.

In Denmark, a minority government relies on a euroskeptic party to provide parliamentary support. In Germany, the anti-immigrant and euroskeptic Alternative for Germany party secured enough support in federal elections in to enter parliament, becoming the first far-right German political party to do so since the end of World War II. Such euroskeptic parties are challenging the generally pro-European establishment parties and have put pressure on mainstream leaders to embrace some of their positions.

The UK government's decision to hold the June public referendum on continued EU membership was driven largely by pressure from hard-line euroskeptics, both within and outside of the governing Conservative Party. Some euroskeptic parties may hope to influence the formation of EU policies and stem further EU integration.

At the same time, opinion polls indicate that a majority of EU citizens remain supportive of the EU. Such parties, however, have struggled to form a cohesive opposition and are riddled with political divisions and different views on numerous issues including EU reforms.

Antiestablishment and euroskeptic Members of the European Parliament are spread among at least three political groups in the current European Parliament, and many analysts claim that euroskeptic parties have failed to exert significant influence. Atlhough some observers believe antiestablishment and euroskeptic parties may further increase their share of seats in the European Parliament elections due in May , it remains questionable whether these parties could form a more unified parliamentary force.

At the same time, experts suggest that more Members of Parliament from such parties could further fracture the parliament and threaten the status quo in which the parliament's mainstream center-right and center-left parties traditionally exert the most control and largely drive the legislative process.

Historically, the development of the EU has been driven forward largely by several key countries acting as an "engine. Many experts suggest, however, that a strong EU "engine" has been lacking over the last few years.

Although German Chancellor Angela Merkel has played a central role in responding to the eurozone crisis, Russian aggression in Ukraine, and the migrant and refugee flows, critics view her as being too hesitant and tactical in many instances, rather than acting as a leader of Europe writ large. Other analysts argue that too much power in the EU has been concentrated in Germany alone, in part because leaders of other key European countries have been hindered by domestic politics and economic preoccupations.

Many viewed this as crucial for the EU's future, especially in light of Brexit. Although Macron is a committed European integrationist and has proposed ambitious EU reforms, Merkel's tenure is drawing to a close. Now in her fourth term of office, Chancellor Merkel is increasingly facing domestic opposition and challenges to her authority, including from within her own center-right political grouping, amid growing tensions over migration and asylum policy.

In late October , Merkel announced she will step down as her party's leader in December and will not run for reelection in Various commentators contend that Merkel has been too constrained domestically to pursue significant new EU initiatives along the lines advocated for by Macron. Furthermore, some observers assert that European leaders do not have a robust or shared strategic vision for the EU. Those of this view point to what they consider to be ad hoc, piecemeal responses that eschew hard decisions about further integration or fail to address issues with an eye to ensuring a strong, stable, united, economically vibrant EU in the long term.

Differences also have emerged between Germany and France on certain aspects of key issues, including potential eurozone reforms and the future of EU defense policy. A number of analysts suggest that smaller EU members, such as the Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark, and the Baltic countries, are not keen to see a reinvigorated Franco-German engine in the absence of the UK, which often served as a check on more federalist impulses.

Meanwhile, as noted above, Italy's current government harbors euroskeptic views and is considered unlikely to champion EU reforms. Observers contend that the crises over Greece and migration have produced significant divisions, a high degree of acrimony, and a lack of trust among EU member states. Moreover, these crises threatened the core EU principle of solidarity. While horse-trading and protecting national interests have always been part of EU politicking, analysts assert that narrow national agendas are increasingly taking priority over European-wide solutions.

Some commentators also have begun to question the commitment of some European leaders and publics to the European integration project in light of demographic and generational changes. For younger Europeans, World War II and even the Cold War are far in the past, and some may not share the same conviction as previous generations about the need for a strong and united EU.

Against this complex political and economic backdrop, the EU is grappling with several major challenges. Many observers contend that the breadth and difficulty of these multiple issues are unprecedented.

How the EU responds may have lasting implications not only for the EU itself, but also for its role as an international actor and as a key U. The UK has long been considered one of the most euroskeptic members of the EU, with many British leaders and citizens traditionally cautious of ceding too much sovereignty to Brussels. As a result, the UK chose to remain outside the eurozone and the Schengen free movement area, and it negotiated the right to participate in only selected justice and home affairs policies.

Amid the challenges to the EU over the last few years, former UK Prime Minister David Cameron faced growing pressure from hard-line euroskeptics, both within his own Conservative Party and outside of it, to reconsider the UK's relationship with the EU. In response, the Cameron government announced it would renegotiate the UK's membership conditions with the EU and hold an "in-or-out" public referendum on the UK's continued membership in the EU. In February , Cameron reached a deal with other EU governments on measures that sought to better guard British sovereignty and economic interests in the EU.

As noted previously, UK voters decided in favor of a British exit from the EU or "Brexit" by a relatively narrow margin of Several factors heavily influenced this outcome, including economic dissatisfaction especially among older and middle- to lower-income voters , fears about globalization and immigration, and anti-elite and antiestablishment sentiments.

The "leave" campaign appears to have successfully capitalized on arguments that the UK would be better off if it were free from EU regulations and from the EU principle of free movement, which had led to high levels of immigration to the UK from other EU countries. The UK government, led by Prime Minister Theresa May, enacted the results of the referendum in March by invoking Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union—the so-called exit clause, which outlines procedures for a member state to leave the EU.

The invocation of Article 50 triggered a two-year period for withdrawal negotiations to be concluded. EU-UK negotiations on the UK's pending withdrawal, which is widely expected to occur in March , have been contentious.